I have tried delaying the writing
of this piece in the honest expectation that someone probably misquoted Chief
E.K. Clark, when he reportedly publicly disowned former President Goodluck
Jonathan.
I had hoped that our dear father, E.K. Clark, would issue a counter statement and say the usual things politicians say: “they quoted me out of context!” “Jonathan is my son”. That has not happened; rather, some other Ijaw voices, including one Joseph Evah, have come to the defence of the old man, to join hands in rubbishing a man they once defended to the hilt and used as a bargaining chip for the Ijaw interest in the larger Nigerian geo-politics.
I had hoped that our dear father, E.K. Clark, would issue a counter statement and say the usual things politicians say: “they quoted me out of context!” “Jonathan is my son”. That has not happened; rather, some other Ijaw voices, including one Joseph Evah, have come to the defence of the old man, to join hands in rubbishing a man they once defended to the hilt and used as a bargaining chip for the Ijaw interest in the larger Nigerian geo-politics.
If
President Jonathan had returned to power on May 29, 2015, these same persons
would have remained in the corridors of power, displaying all forms of ethnic
triumphalism. It is the reason in case they do not realize it, why the existent
power blocs that consider themselves most fit to rule, continue to believe that
those whose ancestors never ran empires can never be trusted with power, hence
they can only be admitted as other people’s agents or as merchants of their own
interests which may even be defined for them as is deemed convenient.
Mercantilism may bring profit, but in power politics, it destroys integrity and
compromises otherwise sacred values.
President
Jonathan being publicly condemned by his own Ijaw brothers, particularly those
who were once staunch supporters of his government further serves the purpose
of exposing the limits of the politics of proximity. Politics in Africa is
driven by this particular factor; it is at the root of all the other evils:
prebendalism, clientelism and what Matthew Kukah has famously described as the
“myownisation of power”. It is both positive and negative, but obviously, more
of the latter than the former. It is considered positive only when it is
beneficial to all parties concerned, and when the template changes, the ground
also shifts. As in that song, the solid rock of proximity is soon replaced by
shifting sands. Old worship becomes new opportunism. And the observant public
is left confounded.
Chief E.K.
Clark? Who would ever think, Chief E.K. Clark would publicly disown President
Jonathan? He says Jonathan was a weak President. At what point did he come to
that realization? Yet, throughout the five years (not six, please) of the
Jonathan Presidency, he spoke loudly against anyone who opposed the President.
He was so combative he was once quoted as suggesting that Nigeria could have
problems if Jonathan was not allowed to return to office. Today, he is the one
helping President Jonathan’s successor to quench the fires. He always openly
said President Jonathan is “his son”. Today, he is not just turning against his
own son, he is telling the world his son as President lacked the political will
to fight corruption. He has also accused his son of being too much of a
gentleman. Really? Gentlemanliness would be considered honourable in refined
circles. Is Pa E.K. Clark recommending something else in order to prove that he
is no longer a politician but a statesman as he says?
As someone
who was a member of the Jonathan administration, and who interacted often with
the old man, I can only say that I am shocked. This is the equivalent of the
old man deleting President Jonathan’s phone number and ensuring that calls from
his phone no longer ring at the Jonathan end. During the Jonathan years, Chief
E. K. Clark was arguably the most vocal Ijaw leader defending the government.
He called the President “my son”, and both father and son remained in constant
touch.
There is
something about having the President’s ears in a Presidential system, elevated
to the level of a fetish in the clientilist Nigerian political system. Persons
in the corridors of power who have the President’s ear- be they cook, valet,
inlaws, wife, cousin, former school mates, priests, or whatever, enjoy special
privileges. They have access to the President and they can whisper into his
ears. That’s all they have as power: the power to whisper and run a whispering
campaign that can translate into opportunities or losses for those outside that
informal power loop around every Presidency, that tends to be really
influential.
Every
President must beware of those persons who come around calling them “Daddy”,
“Uncle”, na my brother dey there”, “my son”, “our in-law”: emotional
blackmailers relying on old connections. They are courted, patronized and given
more attention and honour than they deserve by those looking for access to the
President or government. Even when the power and authority of the whispering
exploiters of the politics of proximity is contrived, they go out of their way
to exaggerate it. They acquire so much from being seen to be in a position to
make things happen.
Chief E.
K. Clark had the President’s ears. He had unfettered access to his son. He was
invited to most state events. And he looked out for the man he called “my son”,
in whom he was well pleased. Chief Clark’s energy level in the service of the
Jonathan administration was impressive. Fearless and outspoken, he deployed his
enormous talents in the service of the Jonathan government. If a press
statement was tame, he drew attention to it and urged a more robust defence of
“your boss”. If any invective from the APC was overlooked, he urged prompt
rebuttal. If the party was tardy in defending “his son”, he weighed in.
If anyone
had accused the President of lacking “the political will to fight corruption”
at that time, he, E.K. Clark, would have called a press conference to draw
attention to the Jonathan administration’s institutional reforms and preventive
measures, his commitment to electoral integrity to check political corruption,
and the hundreds of convictions secured by both the ICPC and EFCC under his son’s
watch. So prominent and influential was he, that ministers, political jobbers
etc etc trooped to his house to pay homage.
In due
course, those who opposed President Jonathan did not spare Chief E. K. Clark
either. He was accused of making inflammatory and unstatesman-like statements.
An old war-horse, nobody could intimidate him. He was not President Olusegun
Obasanjo’s fan in particular. He believed Obasanjo wanted to sabotage his son,
and he wanted Obasanjo put in his place. Beneath all of that, was an unmistaken
rivalry between the two old men, seeking to control the levers of Nigerian
politics.
Every
President probably needs a strong, passionate ally like Chief E. K. Clark. But
what happened? What went wrong? Don’t get me wrong. I am not necessarily saying
that the Ijaw leader should have remained loyal to and defend Goodluck Jonathan
because they are both Ijaws, patriotism definitely could be stronger than
ethnic affinities, nonetheless that E. K. Clark tale about leaving politics and
becoming a statesman is nothing but sheer crap. If Jonathan had returned to
office, he would still be a card-carrying member of the PDP and the “father of
the President” and we would still have been hearing that famous phrase, “my
son”. Chief E. K. Clark, five months after, has practically told the world that
President Buhari is better than “his own son”.
It is the
worst form of humiliation that President Jonathan has received since he left
office. It is also the finest compliment that President Buhari has received
since he assumed office. The timing is also auspicious: just when the public is
beginning to worry about the direction of the Buhari government, E. K. Clark
shows up to lend a hand of support and endorsement. Only one phrase was missing
in his statement, and it should have been added: “my son, Buhari.” It probably
won’t be too long before we hear the old man saying “I am a statesman, Buhari
is my son.” I can imagine President Obasanjo grinning with delight. If he
really wants to be kind, he could invite E.K. Clark to his home in Ota or
Abeokuta to come and do the needful by publicly tearing his PDP membership card
and join him in that exclusive club of Nigerian statesmen! The only problem
with that club these days is that you can become a member by just saying so or
by retiring from partisan politics. We are more or less being told that there
are no statesmen in any of the political parties.
It is not
funny. Julius Ceasar asked Brutus in one of the famous lines in written
literature: “Et tu Brutus?” President Jonathan should ask Chief E. K. Clark:
“Et tu Papa?” To which the father will probably tell the son: “Ces’t la vie,
mon cher garcon.” And really, that is life. In the face of other
considerations, loyalties vanish; synergies collapse. The wisdom of the tribe is
overturned; the politics of proximity dissolves; loyalties remain in a
perpetual process of construction. Thus, individual interests and transactions
drive the political game in Nigeria, with time and context as key determinants.
These are
teachable moments for President Jonathan. Power attracts men and women like
bees to nectar, the state of powerlessness ends as a journey to the island of
loneliness. However, the greatest defender of our work in office is not our
ethnic “fathers and “brothers” but rather our legacy. The real loss is that
President Jonathan’s heroism, his messianic sacrifice in the face of defeat, is
being swept under the carpet and his own brothers who used to say that the
Ijaws are driven by a principle of “one for all and all for another”, have
become agent-architects of his pain. The Ijaw platform having seemingly been
de-centered, Chief E.K. Clark and others are seeking assimilation in the new
power structure. It is a telling reconstruction of the politics of proximity
and mimicry.
Chief E.K.
Clark once defended the rights of ethnic minorities to aspire to the highest
offices in the land, his latest declaration about his son reaffirms the
existing stereotype at the heart of Nigeria’s hegemonic politics. The same
hegemons and their agents whom Clark used to fight furiously will no doubt find
him eminently quotable now that he has proclaimed that it is wrong to be a
“gentleman”, and that his son lacks “the political will to fight corruption”.
There is more to this than we may ever know. Chief Clark can insist from now
till 2019, that he has spoken as a statesman and as a matter of principle. His
re-alignment, is curious nonetheless.

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